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Quietly, with little attention from the media, the European Commission, governments
and military industry have been organising. They are pressing for more money for
military projects and less controls over transfers of equipment and technologies. They may
boast of new controls, such as the EU Code of Conduct on arms exports, but in reality
many EU governments are doing all they can to help their companies sell and the EU
machinery is being adapted to assist them.
There are calls for more European military spending to maintain the arms industry's
competitiveness with United States. The fact that this country's massive military
expenditure has neither made its own citizens safer, nor given it the ability to assist
the building of peace and security overseas, is ignored.
Farnborough Framework Agreement
In 1998, the Defence Ministers of six EU states (France, Germany, Italy,
Spain, Sweden and the UK) signed a Letter of Intent to restructure European military
industry and simplify export procedures. In 2000, this was formalised by the
Farnborough Framework Agreement which allowed the six to draw up secret lists
of permitted export destinations, making arms transfers even more secret and weakening
controls.
The Reviews
In July 2002 the European Commission published STAR 21 - Strategic Aerospace Review for the 21st Century.
This was the result of the deliberations of the heads of
seven aerospace industry companies (including Sir Richard Evans, then Chair of BAE Systems),
five European Commissioners, the EU High Representative for Common Foreign and
Security Policy and two Members of the European Parliament.
The Review said the agreed goal of the European Union was to build up capabilities
for humanitarian assistance, peace-keeping and the like. Yet it was silent about the huge
amounts of money spent on equipment, such as the Eurofighter, which would not appear
to enhance such capabilities. A similar group, called LeaderSHIP 2015, set up in 2003,
looked at the shipbuilding industry.
Barriers to EU military research spending have also fallen.
A Group of Personalities was brought together by two EU Commissioners
in 2003 and included the usual arms company representatives. It was to
"propose principles and priorities of a European Security Research Programme."
Reporting in 2004, the Group recommended that the EU
"should move into high-tech funding for homeland security ... on a scale matching the US."
Its minimum funding should be 1 billion Euros a year.
European Constitution
Most constitutions consist of an aspirational preamble followed by
details of majorities needed for this and committees which look at the other.
However, the proposed EU Constitution was nothing like this.
Instead, it was a lengthy document which included a very definite commitment
to develop European military capacity.
European Defence Agency
The Agency was established in July 2004. Tasked with overseeing
the strengthening of European military capabilities, the Agency will evaluate the
pledged military contributions of EU member states, promote further multinational
co-operation and prevent the fragmentation of European military efforts.
It will also work in the areas of materiel co-operation , technological research
and the European military market.
Further information
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The Arms Industry and EU Constitution ,
Martin Broek and Wendela de Vries, ENAAT Research Group, January 2006
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The emerging EU Military-Industrial Complex,
Arms industry lobbying in Brussels, Frank Slijper,
Transnational Institute / Campagne tegen Wapenhandel, May 2005
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Arming Big Brother,
The EU's Security Research Programme, Ben Hayes,
Transnational Institute / Statewatch, April 2006
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The European Network Against Arms Trade
was set up in 1984 and CAAT is joined in it by counterpart organisations from across Europe.
Together the organisations are attempting to make these European developments better
known and to encourage public debate about them.
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The European Defence Agency website
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