Saudi Arabia

Saudi Arabia is the UK’s biggest arms customer and one of the world’s most authoritarian regimes.

Last updated 8 September 2025

Saudi Arabia remains the UK’s biggest arms customer, despite successive arms deals being shrouded in corruption. As one of the world’s most authoritarian regimes, it has also systematically committed war crimes – with UK support – in its most recent war on Yemen.

Human rights

Saudi Arabia has one of the worst human rights records in the world. It is an absolute monarchy, where political parties are banned. Dissent against the regime is not tolerated, with those criticising the regime sometimes receiving decades-long sentences for social media posts. Saudi Arabia carries out more executions than almost any country in the world, apart from China and Iran. By July 2025, Saudi Arabia had executed 214 people that year alone, on track for a record even by the regime’s bloody standards. Most of those executed had been convicted of drug offences or other non-violent crimes, and most were foreign nationals, who are particularly vulnerable to the regime’s capricious criminal “justice” system, where defendants often receive little or no legal representation, and use of confessions obtained through torture is rife. Saudi Arabia even executes minors – on 21 August 2025, they executed Jalal Labbad, born 1995, convicted on “terrorism” charges for taking part in protests he allegedly took part in in 2011-12, when he was still a child. Saudi Arabia frequently uses fake terrorism charges to persecute dissidents and peaceful protesters, up to and including the death penalty.

The war in Yemen

In March 2015, a Saudi Arabia-led coalition commenced a military campaign in Yemen, targeting Houthis and allied rebel groups. Six years of the Saudi-led coalition’s war itself caused almost a quarter of a million preventable, indirect deaths from disease and starvation. Yemen also suffered from one of the largest cholera outbreaks ever recorded in history.

UK-made warplanes, bombs and missiles played a central role in the Saudi-led coalition’s attacks on Yemen. Since the Saudi-led attack on Yemen, the UK has sold over £11 billion worth of arms to the dictatorship through fixed-value licenses. Taking into account “open” (i.e. unlimited value) licenses granted to Saudi, of which there have been 180 issued since the war started, CAAT estimates the total value of arms to Saudi to be £33.9 billion, with fixed value licences totalling £11.7 billion. Beyond arms, the UK’s Royal Air Force has played a key role, assisting in maintaining and preparing Saudi aircraft.

The UK government assiduously resisted calls from British civil society to halt arms sales to Saudi Arabia. However, following legal action led by CAAT, in June 2019 a Court of Appeal found that the UK government’s decision to continue licensing exports of military equipment to Saudi Arabia was unlawful. In response, the UK government later claimed it had completed the review ordered by the Court of Appeal, absurdly claiming that any violations of international law were “isolated incidents”, while resuming sales to the Saudi-led coalition. CAAT was granted permission to judicially review the government decision. However, in June 2023, the judges rejected CAAT’s case on all grounds.

The current UK government has unashamedly courted deeper ties with the Saudi government. In 2024, Saudi Arabia was the single largest recipient of single export licences by value, at £2.9 billion, almost all of which was in the ML4 category relating to bombs, missiles, and related equipment. In late 2024 Prime Minister Starmer visited the country, with a UK government press release hailing an increased “strategic partnership between the two countries” that would “pave the way for greater defence industrial cooperation.” In May 2025, the United States signed its largest defence sales agreement in history with Saudi Arabia.

The Saudi-led attacks on Yemen

A destroyed house in Sanaa with crowd of rescuers in front

Photo by Ibrahem Qasim, CC BY-SA

The war on Yemen’s civilians

The war in Yemen has killed an estimated 377,000 people through direct and indirect causes. Over 150,000, including tens of thousands of civilians, have been killed in fighting, including the Saudi-led bombing campaign, while many more have died of hunger and disease in the humanitarian crisis caused by the war.

Arms Dealers Dine as Yemen Starves #StopArming Saudi CAAT banner held by four activists outside a hotel under a mirrored canopy. The mirror reflects policeman in fluorescent jackets.

A humanitarian crisis, created by war

The war in Yemen has created the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. This is an entirely man-made catastrophe. It is a direct result of the devastating war in the country, and the strategies and tactics adopted by the parties to the conflict, especially the Saudi-led Coalition.

Royal Saudi fighter jet, picture of pilot under canopy. Decals on jet say God Bless You and Royal Sau in Arabic and English

Photo by Clément Alloing, CC BY-NC-ND

UK arms to Saudi Arabia

The UK has continued to support air strikes by Saudi Arabia and its coalition partners in Yemen, in spite of overwhelming evidence of repeated breaches of international humanitarian law by the coalition.

Legal action

Activists outside High Court with Stop Arming Saudi Arabia banner

CAAT’s legal challenge

The UK government refuses to stop arms sales to Saudi Arabia, despite overwhelming evidence of violations of International Humanitarian Law in Yemen. CAAT is challenging this in the Courts.

Picture of the Royal Courts of Justice

Legal challenge details

Learn more about CAAT legal challenge to the UK government licensing military equipment exports to Saudi Arabia and read the legal documents.

A two-story concrete building, collapsed and surrounded by rubble

International Criminal Court

A coalition of European and Yemeni groups, including CAAT, has submitted a dossier to the International Criminal Court in The Hague, asking them to investigate European government and arms company officials for potentially aiding and abetting war crimes in Yemen.

ALQST for Human Rights

ALQST for Human Rights is an independent NGO established in 2014 by Saudi Arabian human rights defender Yahya Assiri. ALQST strives for a Saudi Arabia where human rights are respected by all; where all enjoy the right to freely and peacefully express their opinions; where all benefit from transparency and legal due process guarantees; where prisoners are at all times treated humanely and their rights upheld by the judiciary; where the rights of religious minorities, migrant workers and stateless persons are recognised and upheld; and where women are empowered to take an active and equal part in society.

Website

The UK arms trade with Saudi Arabia

Saudi Arabia is a major buyer of UK weapons, and has been since the 1960s. The UK government is intimately involved in these deals as they are operated through Government-to-Government contracts. These contracts are complemented by those between the UK government and the prime contractors.

Over 280 UK Ministry of Defence civil servants and military personnel work in the UK and Saudi Arabia to support the contracts through the Ministry of Defence Saudi Armed Forces Programme (MODSAP) and the Saudi Arabia National Guard Communications Project (SANGCOM). They are paid for by the Saudi Arabian government.

The Al Yamamah deals

The Al Yamamah (meaning: dove) agreements of the mid-1980s were between the Thatcher government in the UK and the Saudi Arabian government. Military equipment, especially Tornado and Hawk jets, were to be supplied by what is now BAE Systems. The deals also included servicing, spares and ancillary services.

Financing

Al Yamamah was originally designed as a barter agreement with Saudi Arabia paying in oil. However, an oil price crash in the mid-1980s meant that the UK government had to use its Export Credits Guarantee Department (ECGD), now UK Export Finance, to underwrite the deal for £1 billion. The Bank of England and the Treasury had doubts about these arrangements. Concern about the risk to UK taxpayers continued through the decades. In 2002, for instance, the Chief Secretary to the Treasury wrote:

I remain concerned about ECGD taking on liabilities for £1billion for a single transaction which … if called would lead to ECGD having to pay a claim for the full £1 billion in one fell swoop.

The cover did not end until 2008 when BAE stopped it just before a highly critical report from the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development regarding the corruption allegations.

The Salam Project and SBDCP

In 2007, BAE sold 72 of its Eurofighter Typhoons to Saudi Arabia in a £4.4 billion deal called the Salam (meaning: peace) Project. Preliminary agreements between the UK and Saudi governments were signed in December 2005 and August 2006, and the detailed contract was signed in September 2007. Outstanding price issues were finally agreed in February 2014 after a visit, and sword dance, from Prince Charles. The Janadriyah festival, at which the sword dance took place, is supported by BAE.

The Typhoons replace the Air Defence Variant Tornados supplied under the Al Yamamah deals; the remaining Tornados continue to be upgraded and serviced under what is now called Saudi British Defence Co-operation Programme.

During a visit to the UK in March 2018, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman signed a letter of intent to buy a further 48 Typhoons.

Corruption investigations

Corruption has been a recurrent feature with regards to arms deals to Saudi Arabia. Government records from the late 1960s and early 1970s, show that the corruption was known about by officials in the Government’s Defence Sales Organisation who turned an amused blind eye. In a 1971 letter the then UK Ambassador to Saudi Arabia described Prince Sultan, Saudi Defence Minister then and still today, as having a corrupt interest in all contracts ..

Rumours of corruption over the Al Yamamah deal started almost as soon as the contract was signed. The Government’s spending watchdog, the National Audit Office (NAO), investigated, but the 1992 report has never been made public. It was nonetheless discovered in 2024, and shows that the NAO detected early evidence of funds being diverted. Part of the report observes that the UK’s Ministry of Defence had occasionally paid for “items requested by Saudi Arabia” using the Al Yamamah budget.

The allegations continued, many the subject of reports in The Guardian. In 2004, following revelations about a £60 million slush fund, the Serious Fraud Office (SFO) began an investigation. There were further allegations in June 2007 that BAE, with approval of the UK’s Ministry of Defence, had made payments worth hundreds of millions of pounds since 1985 to bank accounts under the personal control of Prince Bandar, the son of Prince Sultan.

On 14th December 2006 the SFO announced that it was stopping its investigation. CAAT and The Corner House challenged the decision in the courts. In April 2008 the High Court ruled that the SFO had acted unlawfully in curtailing the inquiry, but this ruling was overturned by the House of Lords on 30th July 2008.

The allegations around Al Yamamah surfaced again in the United States. On 1 March 2010 BAE pleaded guilty in the United States District Court in Washington DC to conspiring to defraud the US by impairing and impeding its lawful functions, to make false statements about its Foreign Corrupt Practices Act compliance program, and to violate the Arms Export Control Act and International Traffic in Arms Regulations. The company was fined $400 million, one of the largest criminal fines in the history of the US DoJ’s effort to combat overseas corruption in international business and enforce US export control laws.

Following allegations by whistleblowers, in August 2012 the SFO began a criminal investigation into GPT with respect to SANGCOM. In 2020 a prosecution was finally announced. Separately, a British man is suing the Ministry of Defence over detriment caused after he blew the whistle over suspected corruption in the MOD-GPT-SANGCOM relationship.

New horizons

According to the latest figures from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Saudi Arabia was the fourth largest importer of arms (at 6.8%) between 2020-24. Its top three main suppliers were the US (74%), Spain (10%) and France (6.2%). These figures reflect a decrease of 41% for arms imports by Saudi Arabia, between 2015–19 and 2020–24. According to SIPRI, the decrease in Saudi Arabia’s arms imports in 2020–24 can be partly attributed to the cyclical nature of arms procurement.

In May 2025, the United States signed its largest defence sales agreement in history with Saudi Arabia, for $142 billion, taking the value of existing agreements to $600 billion. The deal covers aerospace capabilities, air and missile defence, maritime security, land forces, plus communications and information systems upgrades.

Human rights abuses in Yemen

In March 2015, a Saudi Arabia-led coalition commenced a military campaign in Yemen, targeting Houthis and allied rebel groups. Its tactics included blockades, targeting of critical infrastructure and double-tap strikes against those rescuing strike victims. By the end of 2021, the bombardment of Yemen, which continued for years, caused over 223,000 indirect deaths from both “hunger and preventable diseases”, according to a UN Development Program estimate. Yemen also suffered from one of the largest cholera outbreaks ever recorded, with 2.5 million suspected cases and about 4,000 related deaths since 2016.

UK-made warplanes, bombs and missiles played a central role in the Saudi-led coalition’s attacks on Yemen. Since the conflict started in March 2015, the UK has sold more than £4 billion worth of arms to Saudi Arabia, including more than two dozen Eurofighter Typhoon war planes. The true value of the sales may be much higher, as arms are also sold to the Saudi air force via open export licences, which do not limit the quantity or value of the exported weapon. The UK has also trained Saudi pilots to fly the Typhoon jet and on using missiles involved in devastating attacks on civilians in Yemen.

The UK has also provided full-spectrum support to the Saudi-led air campaign, as per the Foreign Secretary’s announcement – at the start of the war – that Britain will support the Saudi-led assault on Yemeni rebels “in every practical way short of engaging in combat”. Beyond arms, the UK’s Royal Air Force has played a key role, assisting in maintaining and preparing Saudi aircraft, as well as being “liaison officers” working inside the command-and-control centre, from where targets in Yemen are selected.

Beyond Saudi’s aerial bombardmet of Yemen, its border guards have repeatedly used explosive weapons to kill migrants, including women and children, in a widespread and systematic pattern of attacks documented by Human Rights Watch.

Further reading

Data

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